Anonymity – by “Julie S”

Anonymity on the web is taken for granted as a right under the First Amendment – but should it be? “Skanks in NYC” hardly seems comparable to the writers of the Federalist Papers.  Anonymity obviously does not come without its benefits: the sense of security in talking under anonymity fosters free speech to its fullest extent.  Without fear of recourse, free speech can both flourish, but as we’ve seen in these cases, also grow cancerously. Defamation through anonymous blogs, youtube comments and various profile accounts becomes much more likely when defamers don’t feel like there will be recourse for their speech.

But instead of protecting anonymity, we should protect the ideals behind anonymity, and create laws that protect those ideals (in particular free speech) on their own so that we can eliminate anonymity altogether.  If the origins of legal protection for anonymity stem from the democratic value of the federalist papers – the protection of free speech to speak out against the government, a justified democratic concept – then anonymity was only necessary when free speech was in danger.  Essentially, anonymity is an extra measure of protection, but one with dangerous side effects on our legal system, ones unnecessary if free speech is already protected in a competent democracy.  In fascist regimes, anonymity is the only means to any semblance of free speech. But if we strengthen our legal system so that free speech is in no ways threatened, then we can eliminate the not only cumbersome and extraneous, but legally problematic extra measure of anonymity protection. Instead of working within a faulty legal system, we should change it. Extricating anonymity is not fascist – it’s mature.  People in a functioning democracy should be held accountable for their actions, their speeches, etc. Free speech belongs to those people with the boldness to take responsibility for their own voice.

Taking out anonymity protection can have the following effects:

  • (a) your free speech won’t constitute defamation in which case there is no recourse for rightfully making use of free speech.
  • (b) your blog constitutes defamation in which case there is legal recourse for misuse and misinterpretation of free speech.
  • (c) you would have written an offensive, non-defamatory blog post, but because you’re afraid of recourse, censor yourself.
  • (d) you would have misused free speech in a way that constitutes defamation, but now, because of fear of recourse do not end up defaming (through blogs, comments etc.)

In these four variations, (c) is the only one in which one might argue that not having anonymity protection resulted in non-democratic censorship. But the difference between defamatory and non-defamatory offensive speech is so simple – whether or not the offensive comment is factually true! Is it too much to ask of our citizens that they don’t outright lie? That they feel confident enough in our government to take responsibility for their actions and don’t preemptively skirt the law?

We shouldn’t endorse this fear of litigation, and encourage a system that protects defamation. Let’s cut the middle man, and instead create a legal environment that protects free speech where people will own up to it.  Ambiguous anonymous beings are not the citizens of the United States – we are, as individuals. Do we by fault protect the anonymity of anyone online? With the globalization of the internet, who’s to say that the identity we’re so careful to protect isn’t an American citizen? The legal system as is goes out of its way to protect identities indiscriminately … but that policy doesn’t mimic our legal system which protects its citizens.

The op-ed in the YDN about the women’s center and dke was controversial, I believe, because there was no name attached to it. We should put our names to our words and only then reap the benefits of free speech.  Anonymity should still be allowed to exist for reasons of creative, non-defamatory but potentially still critical free speech. But it is the censorship, not the anonymity itself, that is the ultimate reason we protect anonymity and that some take offense with cyberSLAPPing.  If that is the case, we should be more choosing for which circumstances should have an intrinsically legal obligation to protect anonymity.

Is the 4th Amendment Enough? – by “Russell P”

In the digital age, I believe that the 4th amendment alone is too vague to accurately protect peoples’ rights against search and seizure. The 4th amendment protects the right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. In the case of Kyllo v. United States, a thermal imaging device was aimed at a private home from a street in order to determine if the private home had special lamps used to grow marijuana plants. The lamps had a specific heat signature that could be picked up by the device. I think that from Kyllo’s perspective, that this is definitely an unreasonable search. It is as if the police can see inside his house without even entering and consequently can gain a warrant to come in without ever actually seeing what is going on in the house. From his perspective, even though he is using them to grow marijuana, he could be using the lamps for other things. However, while I see Kyllo’s point of view, I can also see why the police thought that it was okay to “search” his house from the street. They did not break and enter or perform what they thought was an unreasonable search. The 4th amendment needs to be updated to more accurately protect people because we have so much new technology that skates the edges of the law.

Tasers were originally developed as a weapon that could be used by law enforcement so that deadly force would not be necessary, but they have proven to still be dangerous. Tasers essentially temporarily paralyze an individual by sending an electrical current through the body. They are thought of to be less dangerous than guns, so people have been using them more and more liberally and I think that there must be some new rules to prevent the abuse of tasers. In the case of Bryan v. McPherson, Bryan was tasered in my opinion, simply because he took one step towards officer McPherson. The officer’s defense was that he was threatened and since the weapon was non lethal, it was not an excessive display of force. However, I believe that tasering an unarmed man who has taken one step out of a car is definitely a display of excessive force. This brought to mind the situation at Elevate (http://abcnews.go.com/US/yale-university-questions-police-tasered-student-club-raid/story?id=11796814) a few weeks ago. This was another situation in which a taser was used excessively. The police were coming in to break up a Yale party as a part of a citywide crackdown on nightlife. The party was not grossly out of control, nor were any of the people at the party armed or considered dangerous. There was absolutely no reason for the SWAT team to come in fully armed and taser a person multiple times. Even if the student in question made a move towards a police officer, there were numerous officers and apparently only one “aggressive” student. Before the era of tasers, they probably would have simply subdued someone who came after them with simple manpower. This would have been easy to do in this situation because the police officers outnumbered the aggressor(s) by so many. Now that we have tasers and they are considered not deadly, the “easy” fix is to whip out the taser and use it. I know that tasers are a relatively new technology, but there need to be many more ground rules and regulations that prevent excessive and unnecessary uses. Even though the taser causes less deaths than guns do, it is still an excessive display of force and should not be used simply because an officer is too lazy to subdue the aggressor physically.

Taser Happy – by “Charles H”

The Taser has quickly become the weapon of choice for officers.  A Taser is considered a non-lethal force that assists officers in handling dangerous individuals.  A Taser fires two electrodes that are sharp and penetrate through clothing into the skin.  Once piercing the skin, the probes release electricity into the body creating a painful disruption between the brain and the muscles.   This disruption incapacitates the individual while the electricity is flowing through the body, but when the current stops; it allows the individual to fully function.  While the use of the Taser has been of extreme benefit to the safety of police officers, there are advancing issues of officer abuse.  While the Taser is considered non-lethal force it is a very serious method of subduing an individual. While the use of the Taser is necessary in several cases and has even reduced lethal measures, the precedent is quickly being set on what is allowed when it comes to tasering an individual.

The fourth amendment raises a question of the probable cause needed to seize an individual using a Taser. At what point is an officer allowed to use a Taser in order to seize an individual?  While a taser is not legally considered lethal force, it’s result is violent and painful, and the media has made it more controversial in that it should be considered lethal force with regard to the violent self harm once tasered and the electrical effects to the heart which can result in death.  Regardless, specific guidelines are necessary for officers on what situations the Taser should be allowed.

Several cases are great examples of situations where a Taser was not necessary, for example, Brian v. McPherson.  Brian, a young man was having a hard day, having already been pulled over for a speeding ticket. Once again, Brian is pulled over, this time for not wearing his seat belt by Officer McPherson. After complying with the officer’s requests and pulling over, being very agitated with himself, Brian slams the steering wheel while swearing and crying because of the days misfortune.  Brian steps out of his car while the officer was 25 feet or so away and begins yelling at himself and hitting his thighs in self -disgust.  It is at this moment that the officer felt threatened and shot Brian with his Taser.  Brian falls to the hard pavement and sustains injuries. This illustrates a case that an officer used poor judgment in the use of taser.  Brian was simply releasing frustration and was not acting aggressive or combative in regard to the Officer.  To the officers defense, this scene does appear a little out of the ordinary for pulling someone over for a seat belt violation, but the use of a Taser while the individual is 20 plus feet away with hard pavement beneath him, and not approaching the officer is indisputably not the right thing to do.  The courts confirmed that Officer McPherson did not have a threatening issue to use a taser.

This is reminiscent of an incident that made national news when a young man in Utah was tasered for not complying with an officer’s instructions.  His offense? He refused to sign a speeding ticket.  While, he was not complying with the officer unlike the previous case, he did not appear to be a serious threat to the officer.  The Officer used unnecessary force, by opinion.  Check out the link to the clip.  Was their misconduct by the officer? Was it necessary?

Precedence setting issues, as well as training, are in evolution of a relatively new police equipment.  Cases like Brian’s will bring deterrence for issues of misconduct and is necessary when it comes to using a taser.  The Taser is a painful weapon that can be used to save lives, but guidelines and further discussion are needed to define unnecessary use. Most likely with the use of Tasers, assaults on police officers are down. Injuries to those being apprehended are mostly likely on decrease as well. This is a tool for cooperation and when an officer is faced with dilemmas of using his gun, baton or taser the later is best suited and provides utility to protect with the absence of misconduct.

Search and Seizure on Campus: Fourth Amendment Rights at Yale – by “Cameron M”

In a recent email to his students, Pierson College Dean Amerigo Fabbri outlined the guidelines surrounding the college’s annual ‘Inferno’ dance party. The email explained that no parties would be permitted in Pierson dorms during the Inferno and warned: “Officers will be patrolling the courtyard and the entryways beginning at 9 p.m. If they hear excessive noise coming from your suite they will visit your room.”

Although I don’t believe anyone tested the policy this weekend, I’m prompted to ask what a student’s rights would be during a ‘visit’ by an officer. The Yale Police Department issued 19 infraction tickets to students during last year’s Spring Fling, many during warrantless and unannounced dorm room ‘raids’ that left students confused. Do Fourth Amendment protections against unreasonable search and seizure extend to Yale dormitories?

If an officer asks to enter and/or search your dorm room, can you refuse the request? What requirements must be met before an officer can legally enter a student dorm to conduct a search? Do these answers vary depending on whether Yale Security, the Yale Police Department, or the New Haven Police Department is involved? Extending these questions to the digital domain: Do students have a reasonable expectation of privacy when using the Yale Network? Are emails, browsing histories, and other digital records protected, as they would be on a private home network?

A quick reading and keyword search of the Yale Undergraduate Regulations reveals no mention of the words ‘search’, ‘seizure’, or ‘warrant.’ In addition, Yale does not provide students living in on-campus dormitories with a formal lease agreement, a document that often includes policies on privacy and search regulation at other colleges.
Yale’s policy on electronic privacy is much clearer, with the University’s Information Technology Appropriate Use Policy outlining “circumstances in which, following carefully prescribed processes, the University may determine that certain broad concerns outweigh the value of a User’s expectation of privacy and warrant University access to relevant IT Systems without the consent of the User.” The University may access relevant information without user consent to comply with local, state, and federal laws, (including during the execution of police warrants), upon reasonable belief that University technology policy has been violated, and for a select number of other reasons. The explicit description of these policies clarifies, and at least somewhat reduces, concerns about policies on digital privacy and information search and seizure at Yale. A similar policy outlining regulations on traditional search and seizure and dorm room privacy is necessary and long overdue.

Even in the absence of University policy, search and seizure on college campuses is a widely legislated issue, mostly in state courts. In 2007 at Boston College, two students were arrested for possession of marijuana and cocaine after a campus police officer entered their dorm on suspicion of a violation of the University’s weapons policy. The students subsequently consented to a full search of the room, during which the illegal drugs were found by officers. Despite their consent to a search, the students argued that the initial entry into their dorm room by the university police officers violated their Fourth Amendment Rights, and that any subsequent searches and seizures were invalid. In 2009, the Massachusetts Appeals Court ruled against the students, citing that, as a private institution, initially enforcing institutional policy, the university and its officers were not required to abide by search and seizure limitations laid out by the Fourth Amendment. Although a permanent link is not available, the actual ruling can be found here, by searching for the docket number: 09-P-810.

However, similar cases have seen different outcomes in other state courts. In 2008, a Washington State Court of appeals ruling asserted that campus police had no right to randomly enter and patrol dormitory hallways, in which there was a reasonable expectation of privacy, as there would be in a usual apartment building or similar residence. Further, in a case involving Santa Clara University, a private institution, a warrantless dorm search conducted by police with permission from campus security officers was deemed unconstitutional. The dorm was considered the private residence and concern of the student, and therefore only the student, and not campus security, was deemed eligible to grant permission for a search.

As in the case of the 2010 Spring Fling, warrantless (and unannounced) dorm room searches have been and continue to be conducted at Yale. As of now, none have been challenged in court, and it is difficult to predict what the results of such a challenge would be. Especially considering the blurring of the private versus public enforcement distinction (with the Yale Police Department existing as a sort of middle ground between campus security and local police) and with the lack of any clear University policy, an uncomfortable state of ignorance seems to surround the entire issue. Perhaps greater student interest or concern would force the University to address some of the ambiguities that exist.

Regardless, students should not expect the protection of their constitutional rights to be put on hold while they attend college. We should expect a clear university policy that respects the spirit of these rights, rather than attempts to stretch the limits of legal search and seizure on campus. When acting to enforce Connecticut state law rather than simply University policy, Yale Police officers should be held to Fourth Amendment standards. Even without legislative action, the University should recognize that unannounced, warrantless searches by officers acting in such a capacity are unreasonably invasive and that dorm rooms truly are the private residences of students, just like any home or apartment.

Note: I have contacted Marichal Gentry, Yale College Dean of Student Affairs to ask for a clarification on Yale’s policies regarding search and seizure in dorm rooms. I will update this post as soon as I am able to get in touch and receive an answer.

The Patriot Act, defining Search and Seizure in the Digital Age? – by “Dylan D”

It may be hard to believe but it has been 9 years since the Patriot Act was signed into law. The legislation was hastily pushed through congress after the September 11th terrorist attacks. It was designed to give the government more power to prevent terrorism in the future. But many have seen the controversial piece of  legislation as a violation of Constitutional rights, most explicitly the Fourth Amendment. What the Patriot Act means today, is that search and seizure in the digital age has the danger of not being defined by the United States Constitution, but rather by a law designed to prevent terrorism. No one should be naive enough to think other wise, the intent of the law is to not only fight terrorism but lay the ground work for establishing search and seizure methods in the rapidly advancing digital age. Through briefly reading the Wikipedia article on the Patriot Act, I have come to the conclusion that the government no longer needs a warrant…….as long as its related to terrorism and national security….basically the law says, fight terrorism any way possible, Constitutional rights be damned. And while that may have seemed important in the aftermath of 9/11, is our fight against terrorism still more important than the Constitution today, 9 years and 5 days later?

Many will argue that the Patriot Act will expire and will not be foundation for search and seizure in the digital age. But to those who have that point of view I ask the fallowing question. Why does Congress keep renewing the Laws that were set to expire in 2005 in the original bill? This is not a Republican or Democrat thing because Congresses controlled by both parties have voted to extend. This is an American thing! We have become so concerned about National Defense and protecting our country from terrorist ( not that either of those things are unimportant) that we are willing to let ourselves be monitored and searched through means that violate our Constitutional right to protect ourselves against unreasonable searches and seizure. What have we as a country become?

This past weekend John Stewart and Stephen Colbert held their much anticipated Rally to Restore Sanity. I will be honest I did not watch one second of it, my plan the whole time was to watch the important parts on YouTube the next day. But that is not the point, the point is the title of their rally could not be more appropriate. Restoring sanity may be the most important step for this country to take as we struggle to move forward. Restoring sanity means waking up and saying the Constitution of the United States is what has guided the country for over 200 years, it has shaped the US into the country it is today, it has made us a great country. The Constitution has lead us through world wars, a civil war, a civil rights movement, and a cold war. If that great document can lead this country through that much, why can it not take on terrorism and the digital age too. The sane thing to do is realize it can and it will……but only if given the chance.

Big Brother’s New Sib – by “Daniel E”

Big Brother’s New Sib

This is a Farewell to the Arms of Big Brother exerting sole control over the media and journalism. Wikileaks is “new model of journalism.” Wikileaks is a website that collects and publishes leaked information typically labeled as “classified.” Yet, this “classified” information exposes corruptions and abuses of governments around the world. The information published is of little threat to national security. It is published so that the public can monitor Big Brother. It operates under the words of the Supreme Court that “only a free and unrestrained press can effectively expose deception in government” (Nyt v. US). Wikileaks has published information on:

  • War, killings, torture and detention
  • Government, trade and corporate transparency
  • Suppression of free speech and a free press

Wikileaks has had measurable success. For instance, they exposed that President Moi of Kenya costs the country $3,000,000,000 in corruption which swung the December 2007 Kenyan election.
Wikileaks is successful obtaining classified information, because of its information collecting policy. It guarantees anonymity to information sources. We have seen this model of anonymity help several internet blogs succeed. Anonymity encourages individuals to freely express their minds and share information because there is little fear of personal identification and subsequent reprisal.

Most recently, Wikileaks has introduced us to modern warfare – attacks and documents only seen in war movies. They have leaked more than 90,000 United States military and diplomatic reports about Afghanistan filed between 2004 and January of this year. In July, Wikileaks released a video showing combat in Iraq:

Collateral Murder

The word “revolutionary” has been used to describe Wikileaks. This seems fit given that “during times of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act” (Orwell). The media, is often considered the Fourth Branch of government. It censors information of public interest. It works under Big Brother. In the media, we simply get reports containing deceptive words used as propaganda, such as “freedom fighter” and “war criminal” – our modern  “newspeak.” Wikileaks allows us to monitor Big Brother. It can be considered Big Brother’s Big Brother. It can be considered a rogue organizations, such as Al Qaeda. It has no defined geographic base and we do not know when it will strike. However, when it does strike, we know its will help improve transparency between governments and citizens.

The challenge for Wikileaks is to solidify its identify. It has to expand its reach to ensure people can rely on it for news. Wikileaks needs to develop relationships with news media outlets to foster the exchange of information that is important for the public to hear. Furthermore, Wikileaks needs to decide if it does want to adopt a political agenda – a practice that often harms the reputation of news outlets like Fox News. By labeling the video of the Iraqi attack “Collateral Murder” Wikileaks seems to adopt an anti-war stance, which is not beneficial if they want to be an impartial news source. It will be interesting to see the transnational impact Wikileaks has in the future.

Leniency – by “Diego B”

The reaction to fifteen year old children having their lives severely affected by a black and white legal system is one of disbelief. How is it that a young teenager can have their life so drastically changed for (by today’s technological standards) being a teenager? The idea that sending your middle school girlfriend or boyfriend a photograph of yourself can affect your life opportunities decades later is baffling. Yet, there is a necessary reasoning for it all. Child pornography is seen as such a heinous act because of what it does to the child in question, or because of what usually takes place to make a child participate in pornography. This is why teenagers, despite the fact that they usually do not intend to start a child pornography distribution ring, are punished so severely for “sexting”. However, if any sort of leniency were allowed in these cases then the immediate result would be loopholes, which would promptly be taken advantage of by those actually intending to create the distribution rings, or by those with other malicious intents.

Six years ago, a sub-average videogame titled The Guy Game was released for several videogame platforms. The game features guess-based questioning which, when answered correctly, rewards the player with less and less censored imagery of female nudity. Largely brushed aside as bargain-bin lining, the game attained notoriety four months after its release when one of the female participants revealed she was underage (17) at the time she was filmed for the game. She coupled this revelation with lawsuits against the developers and publishers of the game, as well as the owners of the platforms that the game appeared on. At the time of filming, the teenager in question was, presumably, a freely willing participant. What changed between the filming and subsequent release of the game? She could have either planned to file suit all along, or she could somehow have been forced to participate. Regardless of the possibility of the former, the creators of the game are still to blame. It is their responsibility to accurately verify somebody’s age when dealing with such a potentially explosive situation. The law on the matter of child pornography must be kept as strict as possible to help keep situations like these from happening.

When dealing with something considered wrong by the large majority of the population, but highly sought after by a small but desperate minority, the prevention methods must be incredibly strict. This holds true even moreso when the central issue deals with the exploitation of children, or minors. The loopholes possible by being lenient under these cases are unacceptable. In the case of The Guy Game, if the creators of the game had been reprieved or treated in a more fair fashion due to their genuine ignorance, then any studio or developer could claim the same when faced with similar charges. Enticing or coercing a minor into pornography is not something below people that are willing to supply their desperate clients, so these laws must be kept strict in order to prevent these potential openings. The same holds true in the case of “sexting”; many underage teenagers already willingly participate in the activity, so it would not take much threat from the determined to make a child play along in a charade of ignorance for a quick trade-off. It is unfortunate that teenagers with relatively innocent intent are so severely affected, and the process for taking care of those specific cases involving a minor sender and minor recipient should be reviewed, but the alternative of simplifying the process of exploitation is far more dangerous with a more far-reaching potential to cause harm.

What about the First Ammendment? – by “Christopher P”

The United States of America is supposed to be the land of the free, where individuals with different tastes and desires can exist in peace, so long as they do not infringe on the rights of others, and do all that they agree to do.  To me, that is a beautiful thing.  It is beautiful to live in a country where individuals can be who they are (so long as they do not infringe on others rights or hurt others).  While many groups may not agree with each other, for example, many groups find homosexuals and/or pornographic films depicting homosexual acts distasteful and/or obscene, they are entitled to their opinions, and homosexuals are entitled to engage in homosexual acts, to watch pornography depicting homosexual acts, and to have their own opinions about groups who view them with distaste, even if their opinion is a minority opinion.  To me this is a beautiful thing.  That is what America is about, freedom for both the minority and the majority to enjoy their own lives to the fullest and do what they want to do no matter what other people think (so long as they are not taking away another person’s rights).  This is what makes us a free country, and this is what hundreds of thousands of men have fought, sacrificed, and died to protect.

What boggles my mind given the importance of individualism and protecting minorities in our free country is the recent indictment of Paul F. Little, 50, also known as Max Hardcore, by the United States Department of Justice Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section with five counts of transporting obscene matter by use of an interactive computer service and five counts of mailing obscene matter in relation to 5 of Little’s films, and Little’s subsequent conviction.  The ruling was made by U.S. District Court Judge Susan Bucklew for the Middle District of Florida on October 3, 2008, which sentenced Little to four years in prison on multiple obscenity charges, and ordered Little to three years of supervised release following his release from prison, to pay a $7,500 fine, to forfeit the obscene films charged in the indictment as well as all gross profits from the distribution of the films and the Internet domain names Little used as part of his business.  His company, Max World Entertainment Inc., was also fined $75,000 and ordered to serve five years of probation.

Little’s films involve fisting, urination, vomiting, acts of humiliation, degradation, and portrayal of actors dressed in a way that could imply they are under the age of 18 (although this is kind of ridiculous as children don’t dress scantily clad the way pornography actors do, with skirts 2 inches in length), although all the actors are consenting adults who willfully agreed to engage in the scenes, and the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Ashcroft v. Free Speech Coalition that adults can portray children in films and books.

Max Hardcore’s films are indeed distasteful, but then again many people find BDSM pornography distasteful (which involves many of the acts that Little was accused of), homosexual pornography distasteful, interracial pornography distasteful, or any type of pornography whatsoever distasteful.  There are people who view any portrayal of women who are not covered from head to toe in veil as highly distasteful.  In fact, many people find movies like SAW- which depict the abduction, brutal torture and murder of dozens of people to be quite distasteful.  But we do not indict the makers of the film SAW under obscenity charges, nor do we indict companies that produce homosexual pornography.  We respect these various opinions of what is and is not tasteful, but we do not act on them and infringe on other people’s rights to live the lives they want to live, to watch what they want to watch and enjoy what they want to enjoy.

Glenn Greenwald, writer for Salon, says that he believes the verdict is a major blow to our first amendment rights, and in the below paragraph he paints a fairly good picture of the hypocrisy of our government:

“So, to recap, in the Land of the Free: if you’re an adult who produces a film using other consenting adults, for the entertainment of still other consenting adults, which merely depicts fictional acts of humiliation and degradation, the DOJ will prosecute you and send you to prison for years. The claim that no real pain was inflicted will be rejected; mere humiliation is enough to make you a criminal. But if government officials actually subject helpless detainees in their custody to extreme mental abuse, degradation, humiliation and even mock executions long considered “torture” in the entire civilized world, the DOJ will argue that they have acted with perfect legality and, just to be sure, Congress will hand them retroactive immunity for their conduct. That’s how we prioritize criminality and arrange our value system.”

(http://www.salon.com/news/opinion/glenn_greenwald/2008/10/05/porn/index.html)

The meaning of ‘censorship’ – by “Michael N”

We in the United States are not accustomed to Internet censorship.  We all know that there is material that cannot be legally posted online, for various reasons; few still believe in an absolutely unregulated cyberspace.  Traditional laws still apply; whatever is illegal offline is probably illegal online as well.  Laws concerning libel, copyright infringement, obscenity, and more apply to the Internet because they apply in general.  We accept the existence of these types of laws, to the extent that even if we disagree with them, we do not generally consider them “censorship”.

Other countries have differing laws.  What would be free speech in the West might be considered subversion in China, and illegal.  That is to say, if someone in China published the same material, they might be subject to penalties.  Distribution of the material might also be prevented or stopped.  We would consider this censorship.

But even in Western countries, standards are not uniform.  It is well known that British libel law is quite different from the American variety; the burden of proof is on the defendant, for example.  (This kind of inconsistency has led to libel tourism.)  We might say that this constitutes a form of censorship.

However, the term “Internet censorship” means something different; it has come to mean “blocking”.  This is probably because the countries most interested in suppressing free speech also try to prevent their citizens from accessing certain material from the outside.  Since an authoritarian regime has no power to prevent publication outside its borders — it cannot enforce its censorship/subversion laws against someone outside its jurisdiction, nor shut down an outside website at its source — it may resort to technical measures that prevent users from accessing the material.

Both internal censorship and blocking took place in China recently in response to the award of the Nobel Peace Prize to imprisoned Chinese human rights activist Liu Xiaobo, and this is common practice with many sensitive issues in that country.  Presumably, nothing similar would ever happen here.

Yet the character of the proposed Combating Online Infringement and Counterfeits Act (COICA) — even the amended version — has many people not only concerned, but outraged.  Some of the criticism comes from prominent Internet engineers, partly on ideological grounds, but also because of the technical methods that the bill would require — namely, interference with the domain name system.  I am not qualified to comment on their fears of a fragmented global DNS, but I suspect that a system could be devised to blacklist sites in the U.S. using other means.

There are already legal procedures to take down U.S.-hosted sites’ copyright-infringing content.  So what is new is the proposed blocking of non-U.S.-hosted sites.  A good candidate would probably be The Pirate Bay, which the bill’s language almost seems tailored to fit.

Would blocking be completely effective?  Of course not.  Would it reduce piracy?  Maybe.  Do I support the legislation?  No.  Would a blocking regime against sites “dedicated to infringing activities” really cause that much harm?  Who can say for sure?  An examination of Wikipedia’s rundown of Internet filtering policies shows that plenty of “free” countries engage in some degree of blocking, though usually not in response to copyright infringement.

Censorship is a strong word in a free society.  The mere fact of some sort of filtering of Internet content does not, in my view, constitute censorship.  The key is in the decision of what, precisely, to disallow.  Some present the slippery slope argument, with such rhetoric as:

Once the Attorney General has a system set up for censoring the Internet, everyone who has a problem with a website will want to get in on it. How long before it’s expanded to block Wikileaks, pornography, gambling, anarchists, supposed terrorists, and anybody else the Attorney General doesn’t like that day?

While this may be true, it isn’t necessarily so.  We would do well to remember that at the end of the day, it’s not dissenting political views that we’re talking about blocking, but unauthorized distribution of copyrighted works.  We should not take for granted the freedoms we enjoy, and it is right to oppose legislation which we disagree with or which subtracts from those freedoms.  But we would also do well to recognize what real censorship is, and not to confuse it with something more trivial.  To be sure, I think that blocking content is bad policy.  But it’s also important to be reasonable, and to save the polemics for when they are really needed.

The difference between hate and stupidity – by “Jennifer F”

Hate speech seems to be the hot button issue of the moment. From the anti-gay bullying that led to several highly publicized suicides of gay teens last month to the current DKE fiasco this may be the one topic that everyone has an opinion on. At the end of the day most of us won’t take up the cause of net neutrality or copyright law, but as members of society we have a vested interest in creating a hospitable environment for ourselves and others.  However, the use of the “hate speech” discourse hinders meaningful conversation.

As the recent DKE controversy has illustrated, misogyny and inappropriate conduct are still widespread even among we “enlightened” Yalies. Rape isn’t funny. Necrophilia is pretty messed up. But labeling the actions of the DKE pledges as “hate speech” and a “call to violence” is completely counterproductive. It prevents dialogue surrounding the specific misconduct and instead turns to character judgements of the individuals involved. The guys of DKE said stupid things. Really really stupid, offensive things. But calling it hate speech implies that these men are violent, woman-hating sexual deviants. To them, their chants were funny. To the rest of us, not so much. Rather than demonizing them as misogynists, Yale could benefit more from a dialogue and culture that makes it clear that such behavior is not amusing to the vast majority of us. “No means yes, yes means anal!” is an immature and offensive slogan, but it does not translate directly to “I hate women and advocate rape and other forms of sexual violence.” It just means that some people have really bad taste and a messed up sense of humor. Likewise, “that movie was so gay” is intended to mean it was lame, not that it had a subversive homosexual agenda and homoerotic themes which offended the homophobic sensibilities of the viewer. Is the phrasing inappropriate? Yes. Offensive? Absolutely. But painting this conduct as hate speech turns it into an all-or-nothing debate in which neither side benefits.

The derailing potential of such black and white thinking is evident in the campus response to the DKE pledge incident. DKE looked like a bunch of jerks. But then the Women’s Center declared that the behavior was violent and imminently threatening. To most Yalies (us women included), that’s just not the case. This polarization has actually hurt the dialogue by reinforcing the stereotype of the Women’s Center as somewhat radical and just a tad overly sensitive, and making us sympathize with the plight of the beleaguered frat boys. Not what the WC was going for. (Not to knock the Women’s Center, their sponsorship of a forum on the sexual climate was a positive step forward.)

The debates around hate speech tend to take the focus off of the misconduct and instead focus on the values of the individuals involved. In D.C. v. R.R., the legal proceedings focused entirely too much on the personalities of those involved. D.C. and his parents insisted he wasn’t gay. R.R. tried to defend himself by pointing out his acceptance of a gay family member. While R.R. was clearly kind of a sick kid and a total jerk to boot, as a pluralistic nation we don’t have the right to regulate his views on homosexuality. Libel, sure. Threats of physical violence, of course. But whether or not he actually has a problem with homosexuals is not and should not be relevant to the case. There will always be homophobes and misogynists and racists, no matter how much we may wish otherwise. If we want freedom of speech and religion, we’re going to have to take the flip side of the coin as well and swallow freedom to hate. But let’s not conflate insensitivity and immaturity with hate and the incitement of violence. Some people say really stupid stuff they don’t mean. And as for the ones that do mean it, well, haters gonna hate.Walk it off, little man.